Lobbyists fight to keep pay quiet
By Aaron Deslatte CAPITOL BUREAU
It's no secret that Ronald Book - former aide to Bob Graham turned Miami political money man - is one of the highest-priced lobbyists working the Florida Capitol. Book and his wife, Patricia, through his lobbying firm and other corporate entities, have contributed more than $600,000 to politicians and political parties over the past five years. In 2004 alone, he lavished Florida politicians with $314,600 in gifts, meals, travel and other perks, state records show. | But Book wants to keep secret his pay for bringing clients and politicians together. A federal judge in Tallahassee is expected to rule before Monday on a request by Book and other lobbyists to block enforcement of a new state law forcing them to disclose what they're paid to ply their trade with politicians. Book, along with lobbyist Guy Spearman and the Florida Association of Professional Lobbyists, argued in the lawsuit filed in February that disclosing their pay was an invasion of privacy. If U.S. District Court Judge Stephan P. Mickle sees it their way, the lawsuit could unravel the gift ban hailed last December as a national model for ethics reform. And they've accused the state's legal team of hardball tactics. Book, Spearman, and FAPL chairman Ken Plante were questioned under oath by attorneys for the Legislature on Monday and Tuesday, but they refused an original request to provide client-retainer agreements, financial statements, invoices and bills. ''They're trying to squeeze out the back door what they can't get through the front door,'' said Book, who concedes that the cities, counties and other public clients he works for - less than half his client list - pay him about $2 million annually. ''I assume they were following their clients' orders, and they grilled me,'' Book said after being deposed for six hours Monday. Senate President Tom Lee, the architect of the new disclosure law, said he gave no such instruction to his attorney, Kenneth Sukhia, and lobbyists shouldn't be surprised the state's lawyers take the case seriously. ''They took an aggressive tack here and sued the Florida Legislature,'' Lee said. ''There are certain courses of action triggered by that act of aggression. It certainly isn't personal, and it certainly isn't an attempt to punish anybody.'' Book and Spearman, in particular, represent some of the biggest players in Florida politics, from sports stadiums, Big Tobacco and telecom giants to health-care companies and newspapers. Spearman was hired this year to represent South Newspaper Group, a division of Gannett Co., the parent company of the Tallahassee Democrat and Gannett News Service. Lee said the tension reflects an ongoing culture war between old-line political operatives used to working behind the scenes, and changes spurred by the public perception that the Legislature is rife with cronyism and backroom dealing with high-priced lobbyists. Forms trickle inLawmakers passed the lobbyist disclosure mandate in December when they also barred lobbyists from giving gifts, meals or other benefits to legislators. Under the old law, Florida lobbyists couldn't give anything to a lawmaker worth more than $100. Lee says the old law was a joke, because lobbyists filed incomplete forms or spread the value of expensive gifts or meals among many clients in $99 increments to avoid the cap. ''That's what was going on all the time. Nightly,'' Lee said. ''Lobbyists making millions and millions of dollars a year, that I see everywhere I go, were filing forms that they have no expenses. That's a crock. We needed to clean this place up and make it more transparent.'' Lee, a Brandon homebuilder running for chief financial officer, says he has witnessed legislators abuse their positions to get gambling tabs, trips and expensive meals paid for by lobbyists. Besides banning those perks, the new law forces lobbyists to disclose ranges of compensation they receive from clients every three months. Judge Mickle has indicated he will rule on whether to temporarily prohibit the state from collecting lobbyist disclosures before the Monday due date for the first reports. Some are already trickling in. As of Tuesday, 71 firms lobbying the Legislature had filed the new reports. Among the highlights: Lobbyist Jim Horne, a former state senator and education commissioner, raked in between $250,000 and $499,999 in the first three months of 2006 lobbying for Charter Schools USA, the McKay Scholarship Defense Fund, American Cancer Society and other education groups. Horne was on the losing side of a failed bid to expand voucher programs such as McKay in response to a state Supreme Court ruling that invalidated Opportunity Scholarships, which were awarded to students in failing schools. But charter schools did win new freedom from public-school systems when the Legislature passed a bill that gives charter schools new autonomy from their sponsors. Longtime lawyer Ron Meyer was on the winning side of the vouchers fight, one of 15 lobbyists for the Florida Education Association, which took on Gov. Jeb Bush and conservatives over vouchers, class-size and other education issues. Meyer reported being paid at least $30,000 by the NEA for the first three months of the year. ''Obviously, I work too cheaply,'' Meyer scoffed, when told of Horne's compensation. Virginia Wetherell, wife of Florida State University President T.K. Wetherell and a former Pensacola lawmaker and former state Department of Environmental Protection secretary, earned between $10,000 and $30,000 lobbying for two fertilizer and construction companies. Aaron Deslatte is a reporter for Gannett News Service in Tallahassee and can be reached at
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or (850) 222-8384. Originally published May 10, 2006 http://www.tallahassee.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20060510/CAPITOLNEWS/605100312/1010
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